We’re Not Spending Too Much on Ukraine

Republicans are pushing the ludicrous idea that returning Iran’s access to its frozen funds (which are now sitting in a bank account in Qatar) somehow led to the current fighting in Israel. It’s ludicrous, but baseless right-wing propaganda can have an effect: support for Ukraine appears to be weakening in the US. Paul Krugman explains why this is stupid:

Right-wing hard-liners, both in Congress and outside, claim to be upset about the amount we’re spending supporting Ukraine. But if they really cared about the financial burden of aid, they’d make the minimal effort required to get the numbers right. No, aid to Ukraine isn’t undermining the future of Social Security or making it impossible to secure our border or consuming 40 percent of America’s G.D.P.

How much are we actually spending supporting Ukraine? In the 18 months after the Russian invasion, U.S. aid totaled $77 billion. That may sound like a lot. It is a lot compared with the tiny sums we usually allocate to foreign aid. But total federal outlays are currently running at more than $6 trillion a year, or more than $9 trillion every 18 months, so Ukraine aid accounts for less than 1 percent of federal spending (and less than 0.3 percent of G.D.P.). The military portion of that spending is equal to less than 5 percent of America’s defense budget.

Incidentally, the United States is by no means bearing the burden of aiding Ukraine alone. In the past, [our maniacal former president] and others have complained that European nations aren’t spending enough on their own defense. But when it comes to Ukraine, European countries and institutions collectively have made substantially larger aid commitments than we have. Notably, most of Europe, including France, Germany and Britain, has promised aid that is higher as a percentage of G.D.P. than the U.S. commitment.

But back to the costs of aiding Ukraine: Given how small a budget item that aid is, claims that aid to Ukraine somehow makes it impossible to do other necessary things, such as securing the border, are nonsense. MAGA types aren’t known for getting their numbers right or, for that matter, caring whether they get their numbers right, but I doubt that even they really believe that the monetary costs of helping Ukraine are insupportable.

And the benefits of aiding a beleaguered democracy are huge. Remember, before the war, Russia was widely viewed as a major military power, which a majority of Americans saw as a critical threat (and whose nonwoke military some Republicans exalted). That power has now been humbled….

Finally, what even Republicans used to call the free world has clearly been strengthened. NATO has risen to the occasion, confounding the cynics, and is adding members. Western weapons have proved their effectiveness.

Those are big payoffs for outlays that are a small fraction of what we spent in Iraq and Afghanistan, and let’s not forget that Ukrainians are doing the fighting and dying. Why, then, do MAGA politicians want to cut Ukraine off?

The answer is, unfortunately, obvious. Whatever Republican hard-liners may say, they want Putin to win. They view the Putin regime’s cruelty and repression as admirable features that America should emulate. They support a wannabe dictator at home and are sympathetic to actual dictators abroad.

So pay no attention to all those complaints about how much we’re spending in Ukraine. They aren’t justified by the actual cost of aid, and the people claiming to be worried about the cost don’t really care about the money. What they are, basically, is enemies of democracy, both abroad and at home.

Big Science, Low Taxes

The physicist Steven Weinberg wrote an article in the New York Review of Books a few months ago about “big science” — the kind of science that requires large amounts of money. The two main examples of such science are particle physics and cosmology, the sciences of the very small and the very large. In each case, scientific progress has made the problems to be investigated more difficult and more expensive. One of the stories he tells is how concern over federal spending resulted in the death of the Superconducting Super Collider in the early 90s.

Instead of simply calling for the government to devote more money to particle accelerators and space-based telescopes, however, Weinberg puts spending on big science in the context of overall government spending and taxation.

In the last part of his article, he calls attention to the need for more spending on a number of important priorities (education, infrastructure, drug  treatment, patent inspectors, regulation of the financial industry, etc., etc.). Professor Weinberg concludes:

“In fact, many of these other responsibilities of government have been treated worse in the present Congress than science….It seems to me that what is really needed is not more special pleading for one or another particular public good, but for all the people who care about these things to unite in restoring higher and more progressive tax rates, especially on investment income. I am not an economist, but I talk to economists, and I gather that dollar for dollar, government spending stimulates the economy more than tax cuts. It is simply a fallacy to say that we cannot afford increased government spending. But given the anti-tax mania that seems to be gripping the public, views like these are political poison. This is the real crisis, and not just for science.”

The anti-tax mania isn’t gripping the public as a whole, but he makes an excellent point.

http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2012/may/10/crisis-big-science/?page=1